There are unfortunately many, far too many difficulties of old standing, which ought to be removed, and might be removed, if it were remembered that they never will be solved without the aid of Russia. It reminds me sometimes of those padlocks which will only open when turned to certain letters. The East is such a lock. No other key will open it, till the letters have been arranged thus:—

ANGLO-RUSSIAN ENTENTE.

I say “entente,” though that is a foreign word in preference to alliance. “Entente” means good understanding as to freedom of action within certain zones, co-operation (if necessary) within other zones, and good comradeship everywhere. Alliance may mean anything. It may mean too little; it may mean too much. Alliances often cripple as much as help. Some alliances, indeed, are entered into rather to restrain the reckless impetuosity of a friend than to strengthen his power of action.

But “entente” is the right word. A celebrated Magyar and fierce enemy of Russia once described himself as a “death-prophesying bird,” continually croaking in the ears of Europe ominous predictions of its coming doom.

I am like Kossuth in only one respect. I am monotonous in my iteration and reiteration of my prophecies, which, however, are not prophecies of doom, but of deliverance. I want to be a life-prophesying bird, a bird of the morning that rises in the East, a harbinger of peace, of hope, of prosperity to come, and I want all those who have sympathized with my work ever since I began to regularly spend my winters in England to help me even more than before in a task which of course is much beyond my sole power. I derive immense help from testimonies and reports like those of Colonel M. G. Gerard, just returned from the Pamirs. Impartial witnesses, like the Colonel, corroborate exactly the views and assurances I sent you last month. For instance, Colonel Gerard says, speaking of his treatment by the Russians:—

“Had I been a French officer instead of an English one there is no question but that the treatment accorded me would have been regarded as a sure sign of a fresh Franco-Russian alliance. Russian officers and peasantry simply vied with one another in doing honour to Great Britain’s representative.”

With regard to his mission Colonel Gerard said:—

“I do not think that Russia can now have any object or design in getting nearer to India. She seems too well-disposed to us at present; and even if British interests clashed with Russia’s in the Far East or elsewhere, though she might naturally seek to strengthen her occupation of Turkestan, still she could not hope successfully to cross the Pamirs with an army.”

, Colonel Gerard emphasized the tendency to peace and goodwill towards England which marked all his intercourse with Russians throughout his recent journey.

“Light, light, more light,” as said the dying Goethe—that is what is needed when we try to study such difficult questions as those which agitate the East.

I have been somewhat severely taken to task for having taunted England with her past misdeeds instead of supporting her in her well-doing. But the accusation is unjust. I reminded you of your actions in the past in order to emphasize my plea for a recognition of your responsibilities in the present and in the future.

You asked: What was Russia’s policy? and I replied: Russia’s policy is to let England make the first move. “The initiative,” I said, “is yours. Russia will not fail to back you up in any action really calculated to maintain peace and protect the unhappy Armenians.”

Well, you have made your move. You have taken your initiative, and with what result? Mr. Gladstone, with his usual fearlessness and straightforwardness, gives a vivid picture of the present state of things: “I see in mind the wretched Sultan, whom God has given as a curse to mankind, waving his flag in triumph, and his adversaries at his feet are Russia, France, and England.”

His Sublime Majesty’s triumph means the continuation of outrages and massacres—in one word, a condition of existence where existence becomes impossible. Anarchy is infectious. It needs all the power of disciplined Russia to resist the contamination of such foul neighbourhood among our own population in the Caucasus. Political panic is not a healthy atmosphere—it upsets the nerves of contiguous nations.

Pardon my plain speaking, but I cannot speak differently. What recent events have demonstrated is the impotence of England for good in the protection of these subject races of the East. Alas! there was no need to demonstrate her colossal power for mischief. This is to act as a dog in the manger, baffling the exertions of other Powers which could and would protect the Christians if they were permitted. That is her ancient historic rôle in these regions.

When, as recently, she tries to reverse her policy, and attempts to exact reforms from the Sultan, she fails, and оf necessity must fail, for this reason: her only engine of coercion, the fleet, can only be applied efficaciously at Constantinople, and such application would be immediately followed by the destruction of the Ottoman Empire—the one thing which all the Powers are naturally anxious to avoid. The Sick Man is very sick, sick nigh unto death, but to lance his heart would kill him off-hand.

Yes, that operation upon the heart is England’s only method—a potent one, no doubt, but too potent, and to abolish the Sultan is simply to precipitate the general scramble for the wreck of his empire.

“What is the Eastern question?” My answer to this is always the same. It is to preserve intact the territorial status quo, especially the nominal authority of the Sultan in Constantinople, while remodelling entirely the administration by substituting local autonomies under the aegis of a European commission throughout all his subject provinces. The English policy of coercion at Constantinople endangers the first without securing the last object of European diplomacy.

The true policy is to tolerate the Sultan’s presence at Constantinople, but at the same time to apply the only effective method of coercion possible in the shape of a military occupation of the provinces whose populations are cutting each other’s throats.

England, unfortunately, has no army with which to undertake the operations necessary in Turkey. But other Powers are not so destitute of material means for the protection of the Christians.

Bulgaria is quite capable of occupying and administering with European sanction the province of Macedonia. France has once already occupied the Lebanon. In case of need I suppose she may be induced to do so again. Nor is it necessary that her area of occupation should be limited to the Syrian coast. Russia, and Russia alone, has the means ready to hand for the pacification of Armenia. Speaking for myself alone, without the slightest authority from any one on earth, I should say that if Lord Salisbury and the Powers were to put aside their jealousies, and ask Russia to send an army of occupation to Erzeroum and Trebizonde, it would promptly restore order in Armenia, and teach the Kurds to respect the will of Europe.

Do not mistake me. We, in Russia, have no ambition to bell the cat. It is thankless work doing policeman for Europe. But Armenia is on our beat, and there is no one else who can answer for order in Sassoun.

So long as the Powers only issue protocols and extort Iradés, nothing will change for the better. But the day on which a European regiment occupies a Turkish province the scene will change as by magic. The Sultan at least knows when the Powers mean business, and until you can show him that it is business you mean, and not mere babble, Mr. Gladstone should amend his phrase. For the Sultan, if “given by God to be a curse to mankind,” is maintained as such in his evil domination by the jealousy with which England regards Russia.